PORNOGRAPHY: A FEMINIST APPROACH
- Travis Maxwell
- Jul 2
- 46 min read
Updated: Jul 12
Table of Contents
Chapter 1. Introduction
1.1 Methodology
Chapter 2. Scholarship and Theory
2.1 The Anti-censorship V The Anti-pornography Feminist
2.2 What is the Patriarchy?
2.3 Pornography: Cause For Alarm or Aimless Hoopla
Chapter 3. History and Women’s Issues
3.1 Sexploitation Film
3.2 Social-political and Legal Influences
3.3 The End
3.4 The Male Gaze
Chapter 4. Case Study
4.1 Synopsis
4.2 Text Analysis
4.3 Paratext
4.4 Reception and Controversies
Chapter 5. Discussion
5.1 Tackling Misogyny
Chapter 6. Conclusion
Appendix
Bibliography
Chapter 1. Introduction
PORNOGRAPHY AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This dissertation will cover broadly the topic of pornographic film. Specifically, it will cover an array of topics concerning pornography studies to base an argument for a restructuring of the pornography industry and consent, from a legal to an ethical based model. The dissertation will assert the notion that pornography is harmful, but what exactly is pornography? Andrea Dworkin (1989, p.199) argues that:
“…the word pornography, derived from the ancient Greek pornē and graphos, meaning “writing about whores.” Pornē means “whore,” specifically and exclusively the lowest class of whore, which in Greece was the brothel slut available to all male citizens.”
Dworkin writes, “pornography strictly and literally conforms to the word’s root meaning.” Insisting despite technological advancements, the only difference is the lens through which pornography is viewed, no longer within the confines of paper; women are degraded as sluts on screen. The whore exists within the objective and real system of sexual domination, and pornography existing as “depictions of sex” emphasise the woman’s value as a whore is widespread. Kate Millet also writes, “women’s sexuality is reduced to the one essential: cunt… our essence, our offense” (Dworkin, 1989, 200-1).
However, as Linda Williams’s points out, there are many types of pornography, gay, lesbian, hermaphrodites, sadomasochism, and various types of erotica, to which appeal to many different individuals. This shows the logical fallacy present in Dworkin’s definition, as pornography is more than heterosexual (Williams, 1990, p.28). Whereas, Britannica-Webster’s definition cited by Ingrid Horton is arguably more apt to represent the breadth of porn, “pornography: pictures or writings describing erotic behaviour and intended to cause sexual excitement” (Horton, 1987, p.73).
1.1 Methodology
The research in this essay was conducted mainly through secondary sources, such as scholarly texts featuring prominent feminists, historical newspapers, book reviews, journals, and news reports. The nature of this essay required both engagement with feminist theory and history, but also an in-depth look at statistics and studies to evaluate arguments, by either showing support via research or to show logical fallacy. This is allowed for comparisons between arguments to gain informed conclusions. This dissertation also included primary resources, like videos with feminist speakers. The film Deep Throat was also analysed, as it is a point of contention between feminist theorists, and to assess whether it is sexist. The documentary Inside Deep Throat was used as another primary resource to inform the case study. A limitation of this dissertation was that the topic was so broad, that it was unable to capture the full scope of the issue.
Chapter 2. Scholarship & Theory
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter will discuss the scholars and books from prominent feminists, such as, Andrea Dworkin, Linda Williams, Racheal Thompson, and Catharine MacKinnon, the surrounding theory, and provide rational behind our argument (porn is harmful). Subjects covered; anti-censorship and anti-pornography feminists, the patriarchy, and is pornography bad?
2.1 The Anti-censorship V Anti-pornography Feminist
Dorchan Leidholdt was a member of Women Against Pornography (WAP); the group consisted of 10,000 members and were a part of a network of feminists, who fought against the legacy of the report issued by Richard Nixon, which concluded pornography was harmless and disregarded the “humanity of women,” identifying affluent white men were the main consumer. Leidholdt expressed her concern for the women unseen, the wives whose husband forces sex acts depicted in pornography upon her or the young girls whose developing body has been sexualised. Leidholdt cited pornographies damage on women as a class concerning, seeing normalcy, and pervasiveness as an excuse for complacency (Leidholdt, 1987, pp. 49-53).
Dworkin states that, “... The sexual colonisation of women’s bodies is a material reality: men control the sexual and reproductive uses of women’s bodies” (Dworkin, 1989, p.203). She argues that “… For men the right to abuse women is elemental, the first principle, with no beginning unless one is willing to trace origins back to God and with no end plausibly in sight” (Dworkin, 1989, p.203).
Dworkin identifies phallic sexuality as one contaminated by power, this seems to say female sexual expression is the anthesis, pure, innocent, natural, and non-violent. However, Linda Williams identifies a major flaw with Dworkin’s assessments. The assumption that women are natural beings and if their sexuality was contained outside male-dominated history they would become free of power. Anti-pornography beliefs imply that men are carnal and violent, while women are asexual or gently sexual, or inherently lesbian beings, that if free from the patriarchy, would express no violence, possess no power relations, and produce no transgressive sexual fantasies (Williams, 1990, p.20).
Furthermore, testimonies to the Meese Commission by Mary Steinman, Patricia Foscato, Helen Gualtieri, Sara Winter, Christine Curry, and more in the book Pornography’s Victims expressed a degree of concern around pornography, specifically its teachings. How it may condition women, or subject women to violence by using observations from their own life or their work with vulnerable people. Sara Winters would state in her testimony, “the only sex I knew into my twenties was coercive sex taught to me by women coerced into pornographic services” (Winter, 1987, p.44; Schlafy, 1987).
Dworkin identifies the issue with pornography to be the victimisation of women, but William’s criticises anti-pornography feminists for playing the role of victim. Identifying a fallacy within her argument, as Dworkin compares a “Penthouse magazine of Asian women bound and hung from trees” to the murder of an eight-year-old Chinese girl, who was killed, raped, and hung from a tree, “assuming a causal connection,” despite the absence of evidence. Dworkin returns to this topic at the end of her testimony, but instead of the focus being on Penthouse or the crime, it is a precis of both that embodies the “general female victim” that transcends historical situations, but embodies all political victims (Williams, 1990, p.20-1). Dworkin states: “… cut that woman down and untie her hands and take the gag out of her mouth and do something about her freedom” (Dworkin cited in Williams (1990) p.21) (FULL REFERENCE IN BIBLIOGRAPHY).
Leidholdt argues that sexism and racism goes hand-in-hand, and that pornography serves to sexualise racism and foster racist stereotypes. Women are depicted as castrated dominatrixes (victimisers), juxtaposing their life experiences or as slaves (evoking historical suffrage) that enjoy their victimisation. Leidholdt shows using magazine depictions that minorities, such as Jewish, Asian, and disabled women experience sexualised inequality. Slam Magazine encapsulates this, telling its readers that they should not worry if they rape a “retarded” girl, because nobody would believe the testimony of a “scrunch-face” (Leidholdt, 1987, pp. 56-60). Dworkin, elaborates on this, believing poverty and race to be things that also make men vulnerable to sexual violence, pointing to the prison system in the United States, which is disproportionately black men (Dworkin, 1989, p.59).
An essay by Carole Vance, Lisa Duggan, and Nan Hunter examined the underlying assumptions behind Dworkin’s and Catharine MacKinnon’s penning of the city ordinances that attempted to define pornography as the “sexually explicit subordination of women” (subsequentially ruled unconstitutional). The ordinances argued that women appeared in postures of submission/servility in the film Deep Throat, and that women were serving receptacles for the phallus; attempting to censor the film Linda Marchiano (previously Linda Lovelace) appeared in, citing an amicus brief by MacKinnon on behalf on Marchiano to do so. The essay counterargues that their assertion of victimhood discounts the notion that women would engage in sexual activity of their own accord. Williams writes, "… MacKinnon invokes a norm – in this case a feminist norm regarding the inherently submissive nature of fellatio for women – to condemn the representation and performance is politically incorrect sexual practice” (Williams, 1990, pp. 23-5).
Vance, Duggan, and Hunter identify the ordinances had insufficient evidence and that the evidence they cite does not support the argument that pornography causes violence against women. It discounts history, pornography was not present when “witches” were burnt at the stake and nor when eighteen century laws enabled men to rape and beat their wives with impunity. Therefore, there is no evidence that mass-produced pornography leads to violence against women (Duggan, Vance, Hunter, 1985, p.144).
Anti-pornography feminists would be condemned for closing the lid on open conversations regarding sex in the 70s (Williams, 1990, p.25). While they exclaimed, those who cried censorship stood to profit from its prevalence. Like, prominent anti-censorship feminists Christie Hefner, who would be criticised for her support of individual rights, reproduction rights, and sexual liberation, because her critics seen it as a platform for trumpeting Playboy’s feminists acts, one critic stating, “her socially acceptable brand of feminism is as soft-core as the Playboy version of sex that sustains it” (Fraterrigo, 2005, pp. 206-13; LaHaye, 1987, p.8).
The findings and arguments of scholars who espoused anti-censorship and anti-pornography beliefs were examined upon conducting the research. However, concluded was that scholars on the topic were missing the point, which is not “should it exist or not,” because it does. Instead, energy should be refocused on asking is there feminist pornography and how can fair sex in a patriarchy (patriarchy discussed below) exist. If it cannot, what needs to change? (See Chapter 5. Discussion).
2.3 What is The Patriarchy?
Catharine A. MacKinnon defines feminist theory as “the moulding, direction, and expression of sexuality that organises society into the two sexes: women and men. The division underlies the totality of social relations.” Feminist theory is a theory of power, inequality, and maldistribution (MacKinnon, 1991, pp. 3-4). Feminists tend to argue that the primary social division is based upon gender, and the family is often regarded as the structure by which the patriarchy is maintained; it models authoritarian social relations, as one is taught the sexual differentiation of social functions (MacKinnon, 1991, p.48).
The word patriarchy translates to “the rule of the father,” the dominant male, by which women are domestic servants (Sultana 2011, p.2). Moreover, the patriarchy at its most primitive level refers to male domination and the power relations by which men subordinate women. The theory looks at the manifestations of female oppression and the underlying causes (Beechy, 1979. P.66). The patriarchy is an obstacle to women’s advancement and development; one may point to the fact there has been queen’s and female prime ministers, but the fact remains, the system benefits men and leaves women disadvantaged. Patriarchy is more than a word, it is a tool to develop one’s understanding of the female reality; for example, Sylvia Walby defines “patriarchy as a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress, and exploit women” (Sultana, 2011, pp. 1-3).
Rejecting the notion that women inherently must take the role of nurturer due to their biological predisposition (referring to biological determinism), which also assumes men are destined to take the dominant position. Institutions are the means of maintaining the patriarchy, like the aforementioned family (Sultana, 2011, pp. 3-4). However, the patriarchy makes itself apparent in women’s daily life, for example, fewer educational opportunities, lack of freedom and mobility for girls, wife battering, male control over women’s bodies, fertility, and reproductive rights (Sultana, 2011, p.8).
2.4 Pornography: Cause For Alarm or Aimless Hoopla?
Does porn have a link to violence against women like anti-pornography feminists claim? Outside of the proclamations of scholars, an interview-based study in Eastern Canada evaluated women’s attitudes toward violent pornography were negative, but towards erotica as positive. Women used words such as fear, terrified, and disgusted as descriptors for sexual violence depicted in Playboy, Playgirl, and Penthouse. Women would also identify the sexual violence against men in magazines as artificial, more akin to fantasy. Notably, female representation was called “unrealistic” and “too perfect,” and the material propagated negative self-conscience feelings (Shaw, 2010, pp. 197-212) (MORE INFORMATION IN CHAPTER 3).
Previous studies on pornography and sexism have only produced weak positive or negative associations, but modern long-term studies, with diverse samples indicate that exposure to non-violent internet pornography increases sexist beliefs. The study was conducted by Gert Hald, Neil Malamuth, and Theis Lange discovering past exposure to pornography amongst men cultivated less egalitarian attitudes towards women and increased hostile sexism. Theorised to be due to past pornography consumption being instrumental to the acquisition of sexist attitudes, as porn portrays women with stereotypical roles, actions and behaviours that arouse men. While exposure to pornography increased benevolent sexism in women (viewing women stereotypically and in restricted roles). However, this may be attributed to internalised benevolence or men and women’s automatic association between sexuality and power that “reinforce gender stereotypic behaviour.” Additionally, individuals low in agreeableness displayed more noticeably sexist views (638 – 60).
Meanwhile, a study conducted by the Indiana University School of Public Health suggests pornography miseducates. Finding that almost a quarter of women have felt scared during intercourse and that choking was the most frequent cause of said fear. Furthermore, 23 out of 347 respondents describe feeling fearful because of choking without prior warning or consent. Debby Herbenick, the report’s author, wrote, “consequently, some worried they were being strangled.” Strangulation is a common form of intimate partner violence against women. Herbenick would also conclude that 13% of sexually active girls between 14 and 17 have already experienced being choked (Thompson, 2021, pp. 58-61).
Women also express concern surrounding societies teachings, feeling indoctrinated to please men (Thompson, 2021, pp. 99-100). Gabrielle Jackson writes in Pain and Prejudice, “from the moment she’s old enough to understand, almost every girl is taught that it’s her role to be the pleasure giver…” (Jackson cited in Thompson, 2021, p.99) FULL REFERENCE FOR THOMPSON (2021) IN BIBLIOGRAPHY. British Psychiatrist John Bowlby explored how the baby’s earliest relationship with their primary caregiver influences the quality of their future relationships. Mary Ainsworth expanded upon the research, defining three attachment styles, secure, anxious, and avoidant (Thompson, 2021, pp. 103-4).
Sara Kern and Zoe Peterson expanded upon this, identifying two types of consensual non-coerced unwanted sex. Non-coerced sex with avoidance motives means having sex with someone to avoid negative consequences, such as not hurting their ego or preventing an argument. The second type, non-coerced sex with approach motives, sex consented to, to elicit a positive outcome like improving the mood of their partner or the relationship with their significant other. Racheal Thompson states, “Unwanted sex within the context of the patriarchy merits discussion.” Unwanted sex is normal among men but prevalent among women. Beyond the context of sexual scenarios, people consent to things they wish not to do in work or their social life. However, Bay-Cheng says, "the problem with unwanted sex lies in a wider context of systemic power imbalances." Unwanted sex is not the fault of women’s consent but systemic powers which lay in the racist unequal culture we all inhabit (Thompson, 2021, pp. 105-8).
Furthermore, statistically black, and mixed raced individuals are more likely to experience sex crimes in the UK (Stripe, 2021). Black people are also disproportionately incarcerated, compared to other races, in both the U.S. and UK (GOV.UK), 2021; Duffin, 2023). Which strengthens this notion of racism and sexism being intertwined.

Meanwhile, detractors believe pornography does not pose harm, pointing to the inconclusive studies, the declining rate of rape, in comparison to the increase of porn, a trend of rape decline, which has continued from 1988 to 2005. Using this information, Christopher J. Ferguson and Richard D. Hartley concluded that pornography does not possess a casual linkage to rape occurrences. Moreover, using this information, one could assert the opposite notion that pornography decreases rape by acting as catharsis for pent-up sexual frustration (Ferguson, Hartley, 2009, pp. 323 – 329).
Additionally, the legislation of pornography in many European countries was subsequently followed by a decrease in sex crimes (Wongsurawat, 2006, p.186). The Commission on Obscenity and Pornography began research into pornography in 1968, and an incomplete draft would leak in August 1970, which concluded that pornography had no adverse effects on adults or the youth (Schaefer, 2014, p.11). Furthermore, studies showed that subscriptions to soft-core pornography magazines correlated to increased rape, not hardcore. Meanwhile, areas with pornographic stores had a decreased crime rate, compared to those with none. This deviates from the narrative that hardcore porn increases sex crimes (Ferguson, Hartley, 2009, p.326).
However, it is worth noting that the decrease in rape occurrences was not the only crime to decrease; crime across the board decreased between 1988 to 2005. Researchers have theorised that this decrease in crime was due to a greater police presence or increased opportunities for women in the labour market, which enabled greater financial independence. Another theory is that abortion has lowered crime, as those who have an abortion are most at risk of having children who engage in criminal activity (Ferguson, Hartley, 2009, p328).
The UK’s Government Equalities Office (GEO) conducted interview-based research with frontline medical, legal, and social workers in 2020, which goes against the narrative that pornography is not harmful. Social workers mentioned pornography as an influential factor for harmful sexual behaviours towards women and girls, citing its availability and violent depictions of sexual acts as harmful to their clients who were becoming desensitised to graphic sex. Frontline workers expressed concern that pornography may serve as a blueprint for sexual abuse. However, said clients are not representative of the general population, as they are high-risk (Government Equalities Office, 2021).
Furthermore, present is a gender gap in the workforce, reported by the International Labour Organisation, and occurring was 70,633 rapes in 2022, a record high, as reported by the Guardian, using statistics recorded by the forces. Marking a 22% increase from the 2020 pre-pandemic UK (Goodier, 2023) (International Labour Organisation, 2022). Therefore, one can conclude that women are not free from systemic oppression nor pornography’s adverse effects (DISCUSSED FURTHER IN CHAPTER 5).
Chapter 3. History and Women’s Issues
FEMINISM IN THE SEXUAL REVOLUTION
This chapter provides context to the hardcore feature, in regards to what films, socio-political, and legal events took place prior to the emergence of hardcore pornography. This chapter also covers the male gaze and how it effects women, which will provide context to the following case study.
3.1 Sexploitation Film
El satario (Argentina, ca. 1908) is notable for being possibly the earliest surviving pornographic film. It pioneered the close-up and displays a primitive version of what soon became a staple of hardcore pornography, “the meat/money shot,” it shows the external ejaculation of the penis as the ultimate climax. The earliest stag films were imports, such as A l’ecu d’or ou la bonne auberge (France, ca. 1908) or Am Abend (Germany, ca. 1910) (Geltzer, 2016, p.38; Williams, 1990, p.93; Internet Archive, 2022). Stag is considered primitive because of the absence of sound, colour, and the lack of narrative cohesion (Williams, 1990. P.60). Additionally, stag was illegal. Consequently, it was screened in socially tolerated areas, such as brothels and the smoker (a smoke-filled room) (Sheaffer, 2014, pp. 346-7).
Linda Williams states, “the earliest stag films are technically and narratively more accomplished than later ones.” A Free Ride is the earliest American stag film, dated between 1915 – 1919. It employed credits and title cards containing dialogue and commentary on the action and used somewhat elaborate editing. Additionally, the credits included crude humour, typical of American stags, such as “Directed by A. WISE GUY/Photographed by WILL B. HARD/Titles by WILL SHE.” It wasn’t uncommon for later stag films to borrow footage from earlier ones, while the inverse would be considered an anomaly. The feminist critique of stag was that it contributed to the historical degradation of women; male subjectivity is dominant, and stag is filmed mainly from the point of view of the phallus (Williams, pp. 59-63).
Exploitation differed; it was feature-length, legal, and therefore screened in theatres and public spaces. Additionally, exploitation films depict simulated sex acts and appeal to both men and women, unlike stag (Sheaffer, 2014, pp. 346-7). Exploitation successfully dodged obscenity laws by disguising itself as material possessing educational value in a process known as “squaring up” film. Accomplished by stating their intentions not to exploit but to “educate” and bring “awareness” at the films beginning. Kroger Babb’s Mom And Dad (1945) is an infamous example; the film features a woman giving birth and shows female genitalia but uses its “educational value” to circumvent legal persecution. It would play for ten years across the globe (McNeil, Osborne, 2005, pp. 1-2). Filmmaker John Walter recalls that:
“… They would have men see it in the day, and women see it at night. They also had fake nurses selling sex education literature” (Walter, cited in McNeil, 2005, p.1). FULL REFERENCE FOR MCNEIL (2005) IN BIBLIOGRAPHY. Subsequentially, due to the existence of the educational loophole, filmmakers soon realised that they could create movies about controversial topics so long as it was squared up (McNeil, Osborne, 2005, pp. 1-2).
“Nudie-cuties” or nudist camp films were also a popular form of exploitation film, but by the late 1950s, nudie-cutie films without the academic imprimatur appeared, Russ Meyer’s The Immoral Mr. Teas (1959) regarded as the first. Nudie films operated as comedies, using double-entendres in their narration and dialogue, they used the allure of female nudity to draw viewers. Shot from the waist up or from behind, it allowed viewers to see a woman’s breasts and backside, without showing genitalia. Furthermore, nudie films had conventions like the ubiquitous volleyball scene, shown in 1933’s Valley Of The Nude (Internet Archive, 2023; Schaeffer, 2002, p.5). Nudie-cutie films are responsible for enabling a broader range of exploitation films like suburban exposés and parodies. Even exhibitors began to screen exploitation due to the lack of foreign “art” films and Hollywood movies (Schaefer, 2002, p.5). By the end of the 1960s, roughly 5% of all U.S. theatres began exhibiting exploitation regularly, and a further 1500 played at least one or more during 1968 – 1969 (Schaefer, 2014, p.9).
Furthermore, the emergence of the hardcore feature can be accredited to 16mm. In 1923 16mm was seen as amateur, while 35mm was professional; however, this would change with the introduction of 8mm equipment, World War II, and the post-war period. Eight-millimetre became popular amongst amateurs, while 16mm was used in combat, thus gaining the reputation of a semi-professional film. Sixteen-millimetre adult films transitioned from homes in 1967 and into public exhibitions. Meanwhile, in 1968 more explicit beaver films spread across San Francisco to 16mm “pocket theatres” (storefronts holding no greater than 200 seats) (Schaefer, 2014, p.9; Schaefer, 2002, p.7). Sixteen-millimetre provoked constant innovation and pushed acceptable theatrical limits to remain ahead; therefore, 35mm would be forced to become increasingly erotic. An influx of 16mm and a lack of 35mm film made theatres equip 16mm for regular productions. Innovations and competition lead to beaver films becoming feature-length. They showed flaccid penises, women with spread legs to show their vaginas (beaver), foreplay, and simulated intercourse. Exploitation had gone as far as possible without becoming hardcore; Marci of MJ Productions (an exploitation company) was asked to define the difference, their criterion being a single word, “insertion” (Schaefer, 2002, pp. 12-7). In 1970 Mona: The Virgin Nymph became the first hardcore film known by name and marketed nationwide. Thus, the long-awaited link between stag and theatrical fare arrived (Geltzer, 2016, p.249).
3.2 Socio-political and Legal Influences
Alan Petigny believed the “sexual revolution” on a behavioural level occurred earlier. Reaching this conclusion by using statistics on illegitimate births as empirical evidence to indicate a change in sexual attitudes after World War II and throughout the 1950s. Eric Schaefer poses that the shift in attitudes towards sex occurred discreetly, but the sexualisation of the media and sex becoming public accounts for our perspective on the sexual revolution (Schaefer, 2014, p.3).
The first sexual revolution, “the roaring twenties,” in 1920 occurred due to American soldiers experiencing Europe’s relaxed sex culture in World War I, economic wealth, and the automobile. Sex idols appeared in films, sex advice in news columns, and sex was used to sell consumer goods. However, liberation ceased due to the stock market crash in 1929 and dwindling sexual entertainment. Meanwhile, World War II contributed to relaxed sexual attitudes; pinup posters were used to “raise morale,” and soldiers engaged in pre-marital sex. Sex education prevented sexual diseases, while penicillin proved a helpful antibiotic against syphilis and gonorrhoea (Williams, 2002, pp. 16-8).
Another influence was the abolishment of 1873’s Comstock Act, passed by Anthony Comstock. The law single-handedly forbade sex or sex-related information. Britain’s “Hicklin Test” determined whether the material was obscene based on its ability to corrupt minds open to immorality. In 1957, the supreme court’s Roth decision eliminated the archaic laws, concluding sex and obscenity were not synonymous. Rather, obscenity, according to Justice William Brennan, was material that “deals with sex in a manner appealing to prurient interest.” Roth granted graphic material its protection, and previously banned works, such as John Cleland’s Fanny Hill, were unrestricted (Strub, Bronstein 2016, p.7; Schaefer, 2014, p.4). Furthermore, The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is accredited with facilitating the expansion of pornography. In 1945 they publicised their new consumer-orientated approach to the first amendment and would defend the consumer's right to view porn. Dworkin criticised their first amendment absolutism, calling them “a handmaiden of the pornographers” (Wheeler, 2014, p.354; Wheeler, 2016, pp. 229-238).
By 1962, 1.2 million American women were on the pill, causing sex to become less consequential, and it became acceptable to have multiple sexual partners before marriage. Impossible before the abolishment of Comstock laws, evident by Margaret Sanger’s arrest in 1916 for creating the first contraception clinic (PBS, n.d.; Geltzer, 2016, p.72). The baby boomers who came of age in the 1960s experienced a disparity between genders; 80 men per 100 women, leaving twenty women unable to get married. Women put off marriage in pursuit of a career, opting for sexual intimacy outside of marriage, giving way to adultery and polygamy. Feminist crusades for equality gave rise for women to desire sexual satisfaction without the intent of a serious relationship (Uzomah, Falana 2020, p.22).
Furthermore, Sigmund Freud’s theories heavily influenced the discourse on sexuality. Freud believed sex was the most potent human object and repression was the cause of mental illness. “The Freudian theoretical framework’s main objective was to delineate the relations between biological energies (libido) and capacities (oral, anal, and genital sexualities) and the social forms established to regulate them, primarily monogamous heterosexual marriage.” The theoretical framework suggests that repression and sublimation transform sexual energies into cultural energies (Michael M. Uzomah, 2020, p.23). Freud’s work inspired discourse and media, such as Bertolucci’s Last Tango In Paris (Mellen, 1973, pp. 9-19).
Meanwhile, the hippies and undergrads were at the forefront of the sexual revolution, campaigning against paternalistic single-sex housing regulations. Sexual liberation was inescapable for Americans, images of Oui, Hustler, and Penthouse appeared on newsstands, while theatre marquees advertised the sexually explicit. The normalisation of sex effectively removed the taboo from the topic (Strub, Bronstein, 2016, p.2) (Whitney Strub, 2016). However, whilst some saw the porno-chic era of cinema as progressive and liberating, others saw it as a decline of culture and male dominance over women; Gloria Steinem states, “Consider also our spirits that break a little each time we see ourselves in chains or full labial display for the conquering male viewer, bruised or on our knees, screaming a real or pretended pain to delight the sadist, pretending to enjoy what we don’t enjoy, to be blind to the images of our sisters that really haunt us – humiliated often enough ourselves by the truly obscene idea that sex and the domination of women must be combined” (Steinem, cited in Dworkin, 1989, p.199). FULL REFERENCE FOR DWORKIN (1989) IN BIBLIOGRAPHY.
3.3 The End
Fierce conflicts defined the seventies, whether youth counterculture, the civil rights movement, the 60s urban upheaval, or American imperialism’s failure in Vietnam. New think tanks, megachurches, and digitised direct mail set the stage for Ronald Regan’s conservative moral resurgence. Meanwhile, technology, Hollywood competition, and increased censorship in the Regan era contributed to the demise of the hardcore feature (Bronstein, 2016, p.8). Hollywood competition appeared with Bertolucci’s Last Tango In Paris, featuring Hollywood heartthrob Marlon Brando naked alongside Maria Schneider, leaving smut peddlers puzzled about how to compete with nude celebrities (McDonagh, 2004, 112). Famous critic Pauline Kael wrote in her review, “The movie breakthrough has finally come. Exploitation films have been supplying mechanized sex—sex as physical stimulant but without any passion or emotional violence” (Kael, 1991). Kael compared the film's debut at the NY Film Festival to the first musical performance of Le Sacre du Printemps. Kael pronounced its modernist sex as modern art; the film had fused art and sex. Therefore, it was dubbed “the most powerfully erotic film ever made” (Williams, 2008, pp. 112-13). American critics in the 1960s saw the present sex scene as symbolic of the current radical revolution, which had swept its way across the film industry with the advent of “French New Wave” cinema and the elevation of their profession to “intellectual respectability.” Cinema would be embraced as art and vital cultural expression; critics saw sex films. Like the art films of yesteryear, they championed the sex feature as an alternative to the exhausted Hollywood genre picture. Susan Sontag's essay “The Pornographic Imagination” provided insight into her belief that the pornographer and the liberated audience joined forces to offend public norms, and engage in cultural crime, thus engaging in a revolutionary project by merely viewing the film (Jr., 2014, pp. 384-85). Inside Deepthroat highlights the hope that porn would leak into mainstream Hollywood productions (Inside Deepthroat, 2005).
Meanwhile, Regan began cracking down on pornography; The Meese Commission showed a significant link between pornography and violence (McManus, 1986). Despite poor government funding, a twelve-month deadline, and using no scientific studies; reliable social data proved enough (McNeil, 2005, pp. 427-8; McManus, 1986). Furthermore, Alan Sears contacted retailers before the report’s publication, influencing the Southland Corporation to remove graphic magazines from stores (Fraterrigo, 2016, p.220). Hugh Hefner called it, “the first successful use of a national blacklist since the McCarthy era” Hefner cited in Fraterrigo (2016) p.220. Seventeen-thousand stores nationally ceased stocking sex magazines due to legal pressure (Gardner, 2010).
Lastly, VCRs would reshape pornography, transferring it from theatres to the homes of the public (Tidnam, 2016). If the golden age was 1970s hardcore, one can argue the decline was the video stores filled with cheaply produced products, which invested most into the box cover that often misled the consumer deliberately (Alilunas, 2016, p.14). Video stores coincided with broader trends in urban land use as neoliberal politics began reshaping the public sphere to privatise space for business-orientated downtown redevelopment spanning multiple decades. Porn reflected those changes by becoming privatised. The privatisation would mark the end of porno chic’s popularity. The video era of pornography, under legal scrutiny and social pressure, distanced itself from the pervasive rape of the first hardcore movement (Strub, 2016, pp. 48-9).
3.5 The Male Gaze
To provide context on the to approach film, the male gaze must be defined, and by proxy the lens through which we view female characters in media. The male gaze occurs in two ways, in social situations, for example, catcalls and staring, and in media like film and television. Objectification theory proposes that through lived experiences and the media, women are taught to treat themselves as objects to be looked upon and value appearance as “social currency” (Ph.D., 2017; Sampson, 2015). The male gaze makes women place emphasises on their appearance and internalise the observer's views, negatively impacting their self-image. This self-objectification can be found in women’s grooming rituals, in which they take the perspective of another before appearing in public. Whereas looking in a mirror, being present with oneself reduces stress and increases self-compassion in women, as there's no stress of cultural beauty standards. Laboratory experiments have shown that self-objectification increases body shame, disrupts attention, and negatively impacts well-being in women, and can be triggered by mirrors, fashion magazines, and conversations (Ph.D., 2017).
Mulvey states that women are “the bearer of meaning and not the maker of meaning.” Suggesting that women are not positioned in a role where they can control the scene; rather, they are placed within the scene to be objectified. Additionally, this way of consuming film never changes to position men as those objectified, this inequality reinforces old beliefs “that men do the looking, and women are to be looked at.” The male gaze theory proposes that women in media are seen from the eyes of heterosexual males. Women, from this perspective, are passive objects for man’s desires. The audience is therefore forced to view women from the view of heterosexual men, despite their gender or sexual orientation (Sampson, 2015). In essence, the male gaze discourages female empowerment but promotes self-objectification and deference to men and the patriarchy. The male gaze shapes how women perceive themselves, their capabilities and body, and that of other women. Additionally, gender bias is reinforced by the male gaze; studies show that people implicitly assume men are more intelligent. The male gaze also confines men to the role of pursuer, protagonist, and aggressor while confining women to an erotic supporting object (Vanbuskirk, 2022). Objectification theory, (as shown below) is a theory posited by Barbara L. Fredrickson and Tomi-Ann Roberts. It indicates that objectification promotes body surveillance, which enables unhappiness with one’s own body due to the male gaze, leading to a greater risk of poor health, sexual disfunction, and eating disorders (EDs) (Moradi, Huang 2008, pp. 377 – 99).

Chapter 4. Case Study
DEEP THROAT – FILM ANALYSIS
This chapter will analyse perhaps the most influential hardcore feature, Deep Throat. It’ll provide a synopsis and analysis of the text (film) and paratext (marketing) and document the reception it received and its legacy. This analysis was essential, as it concerns the most influential hardcore feature and documents the alleged suffering of those who appear in pornography.
4.1 Synopsis
Deep Throat, directed by Gerard Damiano, pertains to the character Linda Lovelace (Linda Marchiano) and her inability to achieve the “explosions and bells” of an orgasm. Helen (Dolly Sharp), after sex with male suitors proves ineffective, recommends she visit Dr Young (Harry Reems). The doctor discovers her clitoris is in her throat, and the cure is deep-throat fellatio, performing the act together. Dr Young hires Lovelace to be a Physiotherapist, in which she makes house calls while she attempts to find her love and happiness (Deep Throat, 1972).
4.2 Text Analysis
The film opens with our protagonist (Linda Lovelace) dressed in a short dress, heels, and a pearl necklace, holding a white handbag, and walking to a luxury vehicle (Cadillac Eldorado Coupe). A suburban middle-class area is visible from the car window as Lovelace dawns sunglasses while upbeat music plays in the background. Meanwhile, the first scene shows a subservient man performing oral pleasure on Helen while she smokes a cigarette. These scenes communicate freedom and sexual liberation, which is relevant to the contemporary era.
However, to propose a counterargument for this reading, the camera objectifies women, illustrated by its focus on Helen’s genitals and her reactions to oral stimulus. The man is seldom placed in a position of sexual objectification, if ever. The next scene further evidences this counter reading; as Helen wears a skin-tight swimsuit, Lovelace confides her feelings of sexual inadequacy, loosely setting up the orgy’s context in the next scene. In our heroine’s pursuit to feel an orgasm, she sleeps with numerous men, being penetrated vaginally, anally, and orally by various men. Additionally, observed is a convention of pornography, “the money/meat shot” (the external orgasm of the male to show the ultimate bodily climax). Helen, Lovelace’s mature guiding figure, is double penetrated orally and vaginally, made a receptacle for the phallus. Again, we see male pleasure as the focus, witnessing another case of external ejaculation. Graphic scenes focus on female anatomy, tracking the women’s breasts, clitoris, and anus. Shots may include male genitalia and faces too, although the amount is disproportional and does not occur without depicting female servility. The scene also shows men being assigned tickets, which displays the woman’s treatment as a pleasure ride.
Dr Young is a domineering male; upon discovering Lovelace’s clitoris is located in her throat, he instructs her to perform fellatio. The music in the scene teaches viewers how to do so, too, “… Just relax your muscles, and once you hit that spot, keep right on pushing and give it all you got.” Footage of rockets, bells, and fireworks represents the female orgasm, which is only achievable by fellatio. Erica Jong, author of Fear of Flying, would call Deep Throat a “male fantasy,” as men would like to believe women derive pleasure from themselves thrusting their penis into their throat because men do, although it is not the case (Inside Deepthroat, 2005). The nurse (Carol Connors) within the narrative is shown to be unimportant, passive, and unnamed, used by the doctor for self-pleasure. Lovelace is shown to be similar, hired as a “physiotherapist,” a role which involves her using her throat to “help” clients, while dressed in an absurdly low-cut nurse outfit, so low that whenever Lovelace bent over, she would show her backside (Lovelace, 1981, p.115).
Lovelace’s clients use her for fetishism and sex; for example, Mr Fenster (Bob Phillips), after engaging in vaginal and oral sex, inserts a glass test tube inside her, pouring champagne and coke inside of it, to drink out of a tube straw. Meanwhile, Mr Maltz, while having zero on-screen sex scene with Lovelace, he similarly uses her to overcome the grief of his wife’s passing. Lastly, Wilbur Wang, the final client, is an egregious example of a man’s sexual violence. Wilbur is a man who cannot have sexual fulfilment without pretending he is a burglar raping women. The scene begins as a voyeuristic rape fantasy, as Wang stalks Lovelace, who is pleasuring herself; while doing so, she says, “I need a big strong man.” Upon walking out of the bathroom, she gets held at gunpoint; Wang states, “I’m going to rape you, don’t cry out, I’ve got this gun,” to which Lovelace responds, “Okay, but please don’t hurt me.” However, her performance is unconvincing as she is not frightened. Thus, Wilbur accuses her of ruining his fun. Lovelace apologises and states, “I would do anything for you,” Wang asks for her to marry him, but he is rejected for not being well-endowed, lamenting that he is “4 inches away from happiness.” This leads to Lovelace referring him to Dr Young for an operation or silicone injections, and the doctor confirms that he can do the surgery off-screen. Subsequentially, leading to celebratory oral sex, the fondling of genitals, and the familiar rockets, bells, and fireworks. The camera moves towards Lovelace’s open mouth, and the text reads, “The END, and a deep throat to you all.”
It is apparent from the analysis that Deep Throat is not feminist. One may argue that it encouraged women to explore their sexual desires. However, it appears to promote female passiveness, subservience, and objectification for man's pleasure. Additionally, the women do not influence the narrative; men do, despite their decreased screen time. To elaborate, Dr Young solves Lovelace’s clitoral issue, hires her, and confirms the operation, enabling marriage; Lovelace does not control the scene in which she is placed; therefore, she is a passive protagonist. Deep Throat also promotes traditionalistic gender roles, which poorly conflates with the notion that it centres on female liberation. Additionally, Lovelace is eager to offer herself up as a “slave” and for marriage, succumbing to men and patriarchal institutions which encourage women to conform to traditional gender roles (Burton, 2017). Furthermore, the camera and narrative function as an extension of the male viewer’s voyeuristic sexual fantasies; the audience is forced to live vicariously through the heterosexual male lens. The women in the narrative are sex objects; we do not see female empowerment or independence but the twisted sex fantasies of many men. Ultimately the film does not humanise the female characters, provide a motive, or give them independent desires; they instead are bound to the will of men (Deep Throat, 1972).
4.3 Paratext Analysis
Deep Throat’s marketing (the Paratext) consisted of newspaper advertisements in the Tampa Tribune or posters. The newspaper advertisement shows a caricature of Linda Lovelace in her nurse lingerie, boobs visible, as the text advertises “the one and only Deep Throat in colour.” It advertises itself to adults, using the X-rating, which had become synonymous with pornography after being adopted for usage by the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) (Wheeler, 2016; Schaefer, 2014). Additionally, the ad provides details on the theatre and opening times. It is also advertised alongside The Last Tango in Paris, another infamous X-rated film. The advertisement communicates to the viewer that they are screening exploitation, using the caricature of Lovelace to market itself towards heterosexual males.
Meanwhile, the poster uses the real Linda Lovelace in a bikini, seated in three positions, moving diagonally toward the viewer, and spreading her arms wide to show more skin. The text below states, “how far does a girl have to go to untangle her tingle.” The poster also uses the allure of the X-rating and “adults only” to advertise the film. However, neither the poster nor newspaper advertisement informs the viewer of the narrative. The poster merely tells you the director is Gerard Damiano and shows the female lead. The newspaper ad does not notify you of anybody in the picture but shows a drawing of Lovelace in nurse lingerie. Informing viewers that the film pertains to an exploitation film about a nurse.
4.4 Reception and Controversies
Hardcore was unknown in the summer of 1973, and the commission on obscenity called it the “new genre of pornography.” Americans were divided, ecstatic or dreading the possibility of hardcore merging with mainstream film, but pornography became cheaply made schlock sold at video stores (Williams, 2008, p.126). Vincent Canby, in his review, would state, “trying to write honestly about pornographic films is like trying to tie one's shoe while walking it's practically impossible without sacrificing stride and balance and a certain amount of ordinary dignity” (Canby, 1973). Meanwhile, Empire’s William Thomas would state, “without the sex scenes, the horrible truth that porn movies are, you know, bad, is painfully apparent” (Thomas, 2000). Exacerbated by $75 to $100 a day, actors/actresses being taught acting through nursery rhymes (Lovelace, 1981, p.118; Blumenthal, 1973). Deep Throat, on a budget of $25,000, grossed more than $550,000 at the mature world theatre and over $600,000,000 nationwide, dubbed the most profitable film ever made (Canby, 1973; Inside Deepthroat, 2005). According to Vincent Canby, Deep Throat’s power to arouse is exhausted once one gets over the shock factor of what heroine Lovelace accomplishes (Canby, 1973). The gags and humorous title song do not hide the pornographic intent. In the film Inside Deep Throat, Camille Paglia stated, “it was the first time that respectable middle-class women went to porn theatres; it really broke down traditional codes of decorum.” Meanwhile, Hugh Hefner remarked that “conversation became mainstream,” and jokes and dialogue surrounding the film appeared on television. Linda Williams noted that it was the first time a heterosexual movie was interested in fellatio; it occurred in stag but was not the ultimate pleasure. Historically, fellatio has been considered low-sex and repulsive (Inside Deepthroat, 2005). Respectable newspapers caused fanfare around the feature, such as New York Times’s Ralph Blumenthal, who proclaimed it to be “a better product than its porno predecessors” due to the inclusion of comedy and narrative. Additionally, Al Goldstein in Screw gave the film 100/100 on the “peter meter” (a measurement of how aroused it made him) (Blumenthal, 1973; Inside Deepthroat, 2005).
Despite Deep Throat’s innovations, it was not without controversy; the film would be raided by the police three times, and the last would be filmed as proof of a political, moral crusade. However, theatres could not afford financially to inhibit its screening. Thus, an obscenity trial would commence deciding the fate of the film and, more broadly, pornography itself. Consequentially, due to its divisive coverage and subsequent trial, sales would increase, as the public feared missing out and was willing to pay the costly $5 entry fee (Blumenthal, 1973; Inside Deepthroat, 2005). The trial was underway; the defence argued the film was enlightened and implied women’s sexual satisfaction was a priority. The prosecution countered by stating it emphasised the “wrong” type of orgasm, being clitoral, not vaginal, causing ignorance. Critics asserted the prosecution's claims reinforce the belief that sex is for the phallus. Nevertheless, Manhattan criminal court judge Tyler ruled Deep Throat obscene, calling it “one throat that deserves to be cut” (Inside Deepthroat, 2005).
The audience would move from state to state, the authorities in hot pursuit; Deep Throat was tried in 32 states and ruled obscene in 23. The FBI stepped in to prevent its spread, uncovering the movie's connections to the Peraino gang. The mob bought out Gerard Damiano, who alleged he was unaware of his partner's affiliations. Similarly, the theatre owners became aware that they became aligned with the mob upon screening the film, forced to give 50% of their profits or face consequences (property damage or death). Three years of FBI investigations later, the government launched an ambitious anti-obscenity case. One-hundred-seventeen people were charged with conspiracy; Damiano and Lovelace had immunity, but Harry Reems did not. Therefore, he became the target for prosecutors to make an example of and scare potential pornographers from making smut. Larry Parish, the prosecutor, would claim Reems had infinite accountability; he was in the production. Therefore, he was responsible for the film and its spread. Detractors would call it a creative use of the law to incarcerate Reems. Nevertheless, the jury agreed. However, the charges would not stick, as uncover source Deep Throat exposed Watergate, and forced Nixon to resign. Thus, democrat Jimmy Carter would be elected, ushering in more relaxed obscenity laws (at least until Regan’s Meese Commission), and upon the retrial, the decision was overturned (Inside Deepthroat, 2005).
However, the publicity would negatively impact the lives of Reems and Lovelace. Reems branded himself as an actor unfit for mainstream pictures, becoming addicted to drugs, alcohol, and forced to panhandle (Inside Deepthroat, 2005). Lovelace released the book Ordeal, recounting the abuse she endured. She wrote in regards to ex-boyfriend Chuck Traynor, “every day I got raped, beaten, kicked, punched, smacked, choked, degraded, or yelled at, sometimes I got all the above” (Lovelace, 1981, p.43). Lovelace would live plagued by the presumption of her willingness, due to appearing in porn, evident by the line of question by the audience and the host of the Phil Donahue Show (Inside Deepthroat, 2005). Lovelace would recount her attempted escapes and her belief that those who question her imprisonment believe that she should have been strong, smart, and resourceful enough to escape Mr Traynor, but she exclaims that it is “hard to get away when there’s a gun pointed at your head” (Lovelace, 1981, p.62). In the book Ordeal, she recalls her having a firearm pulled on her, being raped by 5 men, and then Traynor berating her for not “being exciting enough” (Lovelace, 1981, p.39). Traynor coerced Lovelace into receiving breast implants, which doctors warned could cause a blood clot and kill her (Lovelace, 1981, p.75). Lovelace also remarks on her darkest lowest moment, which was in a film with Wolf and Traynor, where a dog was used to violate her, and broke her mentally, making her docile (Lovelace, 1981, pp. 110-12).
The set of Deep Throat provided two weeks of relief for Lovelace, as she could not be dragged to another one of Traynor’s ventures (Lovelace, 1981, p.128; Bartyzel, 2015). However, Traynor remained volatile, jealous of Reems, and disrupting filming, so Damiano made him his “gofer,” sending him to fetch things when filming was underway. However, vowing not to be anybody’s gofer, Traynor would purchase an 8mm camera and create films involving Lovelace, The Foot, and The Fist. (Lovelace, 1981, p.137). Lovelace made a mere $1200, which went to Traynor; Louis Peraino helped her escape Traynor but profited from her (Bartyzel, 2015). Additionally, Lovelace could not sue Traynor due to the statute of limitations running out; before releasing the book Ordeal Mike McGrady, she did not believe her story until she was shown her bruises, which were visible in the film. Lovelace joined the WAP and clung to Gloria Steinem, who defended her public (Dean, 2013). Lovelace advocated for the vetoed Indianapolis ordinances authored by Dworkin and MacKinnon because she believed that victims were not protected and the perpetrators were and that victims should be able to press charges, as she discusses in Late Night America (Lovelace, 1983). Linda Lovelace was a dead name; later in life, she took upon the name Linda Marchiano; she no longer identified with her past self, a woman much younger (Lovelace, 1981, p.1; Deep Throat, 1972). Marchiano would testify on behalf of the Meese commission regarding Deep Throat, saying, “it’s very important for people to know that I was not a willing participant” (Marchiano, 1987, p.232). Marchiano, later in life, found herself fired from two jobs due to her former pornographic career. Consequentially, she returned to pornography to earn an income for double mastectomy surgery caused by faulty silicone injections from the aforementioned boob job and treatments for hepatitis c, contracted by a blood transfusion (Bartyzel, 2015; Deep Throat, 1972). Ultimately, Marchiano died penniless in a fatal car accident in 2002. Deep Throat caused its main stars lifelong issues; for Marchiano, it is a film for many to profit from; she recounted feeling used by the pornographers who profited of her body and the feminists who benefitted from her story while she financially struggled. Meanwhile, Ron Wertheim would say Damiano’s motivation was to “get laid,” while Damiano himself does not believe Deep Throat is a good movie (Deep Throat, 1972; Bartyzel, 2015).
Chapter 5. Discussion
THOUGHTS, OPINIONS, AND MOVING FORWARD
Firstly, anti-pornography feminists appear to be correct in that there is linkage between pornography, misogyny, but not the linkage to rape, as there is not sufficient evidence to suggest a link (Gert, Malamuth, 2013; Ferguson, Hartley, 2009, pp. 323–29). Also present is pornography’s ability to miseducate, which leads to girls and women experiencing non-consensual sex acts (Thompson, 2021, pp. 58-61). High-risk individuals are effected by pornography, reproducing sexist views, and it may lead to sex crimes, with pornography as the blueprint (Government Equalities Office, 2021). Women are also vulnerable to engaging in unwanted sex, which within the wider context of systemic inequality, may prove dangerous (Thompson, 2021, pp. 105-8). Pornography also leads to women developing EDs, self-conscious feelings, and mental health issues, due to unrealistic depictions, and cultural beauty standards (Moradi, Huang 2008, pp. 377 – 99).
Consideration must also be given to alleged rape victims in the Meese Commission and to the testimony of Linda Marchiano, instead of discounted by anti-censorship feminists because no charges were filed. That is a common occurrence, for example, only 1 in 100 rapes recorded by UK police result in a charge, let alone conviction (Rape Crisis, 2023; Williams, 1990, p.25). Furthermore, embarrassment, lack of faith, or shame may prevent people from stepping forward (Lucy Gilder, 2022).

However, history shows that the efforts made by feminists to ban pornography were futile and lead to no permanent change. Instead, pornography is 4% of all websites on the internet, 13% of computer searches, and 20% of mobile searches (Buchholz, 2019). Effectively the privatisation efforts merely rerouted pornography into the bedroom and out of the public sphere.
Furthermore, Linda Williams argues that, censoring leads to no significant solution to patriarchal violence. Rather censorship, like the Indianapolis ordinances evoke normative attitudes regarding sex and expects feminists to take a stand against certain representations, like fellatio. The logical fallacy of anti-pornography beliefs is the assumption of one whole sexuality without deviation. Both men and women enjoy various sexual proclivities, being dominated and being dominant. However, subordination and objectification of women remains in pornography and is commonplace (Williams, 1990, pp. 22-7). Therefore, merely acknowledging pornography is more than heterosexual and more complex in nature does not suffice, when asking “how do we tackle the issue of misogyny,” rather it only serves to acknowledge that women are capable of having sexual desires outside of the realm of “egalitarian sex.”
5.1 Tackling Misogyny
An arguably more long-term solution than banning pornography is ethically driven sex. Eradicating misogyny involves acknowledging sex is not the great equaliser separate from systemic oppression. Power imbalances remain and do not disappear in the bedroom. “Women are sexually vulnerable,” due to misogyny, racism, economic injustices, cishet centrism (abnormalizing non-heterosexual orientations). These are mechanisms which dehumanise and make women vulnerable. Racheal Thompson advocates for “ethical sex,” humanising the sexual partner, with acknowledgement to one’s own systemic power. Jaclyn Friedman, co-editor of Yes Means Yes!, a book to redefine consent writes, “on the way to codification we’ve replaced some old rape myths with this new one: that consent is just a hurdle you have to clear in order to Get The Sex.” Consent apps to contracts, consent is framed as a legal barrier, rather the basic humanisation and ethics. Sex educator Portia Brown advocates for a societal overhaul on the way that we treat sex. This would begin on an individual level, sex positive communication, and standing against injustices (Thompson, 2021, pp. 285-90).
Additionally, dating apps have attained prevalence, acceptability, and allowed for the ease of “hook-up culture.” Kimberly McIntosh compares the dynamics of dating apps to consumerism, as it enables one to absolve their responsibility from an individual and only pursue immoral self-pleasure at another’s expense. Therefore, they advocate for a change in cultural norms, on what’s acceptable moral practice when it comes to intercourse and sexual partners. Ultimately, it is not the job of women or marginalised genders to “fix men,” but rather it should be taught by men to men, to absolve women of negative stereotypes and progress forward to gender equality. “Boys will be boys” is treated as a “get out of jail card,” and is no longer acceptable as teacher Ben Hurst discusses on TEDxLondonWomen, “boys will be what you teach them to be.” He talks about the “man box,” a term coined by Tony Porter in a 2010 TED Talk, it refers to the characteristics we ascribe manhood, for example, to be tough, unemotional, masculine, and violent rather than emotionally open or vulnerable (Thompson, 2021, pp. 290-5; Hurst 2019).
Reappearing on TEDxLondonWomen alongside Jamie Windust, Hurst warned of harmful online influencer culture. Discussing how he is unable to go to schools without figures like Andrew Tate (who is being accused sex-trafficking and rape) being brought up by teenagers (Hurst, 2023; Ross, 2023). Recently, there was a protest in Greece to free Tate from prison (Press-Reynolds, 2023). Issues can no longer be pushed aside, but one cannot come down hard on the issue. Rather conversing and developing an understanding on why these ideas resonate with teenagers is the way forward. Hurst advocates for a reinvestment in teacher training to better equip for mass education surrounding misogyny, and to provide healthy alternatives for teenagers, whether mentors, or financial training, so affluent influencers with fancy cars are not as attractive to teens, as these ideas are rooted in success (money) and domination of women (Hurst, 2023).
Outside of social redevelopment, pornography has had reports of abuse, even Hollywood sex films, such as Last Tango In Paris’s Maria Schneider. A woman who was sexually assaulted in the infamous butter scene, thereafter, driving her down a path of drugs, romantic entanglements, suicide attempts, as she lamented her role as a sex symbol. Circling back to the one constant, consent, Schneider was violated because Bernardo Bertolucci wanted her reaction as a “girl” and not an actress, without prior consent (Malkin, 2016; Das, 2007). Reworking pornography is not new, rather an ongoing effort, many websites occupy the web and are dedicated to feminist pornography, for example, Bright Desire and Sssh. Award winning websites, dedicated to progressive attitudes, focusing on consent, and ethical production values (Desire, 2023; Sssh,2023). Another sex-positive website is Onlyfans, which contains videos created by pornography actors/actresses, who can control their content output. The pay structure is set up, so the consumer pays a fee, Onlyfans takes 20%, and the performer earns 80% of the videos revenue (Thomas, 2018; Pereira, 2023).
Meanwhile, mainstream sites, such as Pornhub was alleged to host child pornography and would subsequently delete millions of user-uploaded videos, require ID for uploaders, and suspend downloads. Girls Do Porn was partnered with MindGeek (Pornhub’s parent company) and was forcibly shut down by the US Department of Justice for sex trafficking. Fifty women came forward to launch a lawsuit claiming the company advertised as a modelling agency, lied about the dissemination of the pornography, and according to victims, pornography was not taken down, and if it was, it appeared on other websites (CBS Morning, 2021; BBC, 2021). Therefore, one can conclude healthy consent, verification, and mindfulness is the step forward to change the pornography industry. Sinnamon Love, a black porn actress and activist believes, “pornography can be a place for women as actors, as directors, as viewers to overturn stereotypes about women as victims of male lust” (Stanford, 2014).
Chapter 6. Conclusion
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
This chapter will evaluate whether we met the research aims, the findings, and provide thoughts on the research and the thoughts on where the focus on future research should be in future. The aim of this dissertation was to formulate an argument for pornography being bad, and its succeeded in articulating that point. However, pornography is a complex subject with nuance, productions such as Deep Throat, where a woman may have been a victim for the pleasure and profit of men has no place in any industry (Linda Lovelace, 1981). However, there are modern feminist efforts to make pornography an empowering depiction of women’s sexual agency, with positive changes, such as ethical industry values and showcasing consent (Desire, 2023; Sssh,2023). Therefore, one can assert pornography’s possibility to be positive, but it unlikely to be, if there is no ethical practice undertaken in pornographic productions.
Research found a plethora of harmful side effects of pornography, such as its effect on women’s mental health or its reproduction of misogyny, but also harmful societal factors/influencers outside of pornography. Contributing factors to this reproduction of misogyny were personality types and how “high risk” the individual was (Hald, Malamuth, Lange, 2013, pp. 638 – 60; Government Equalities Office, 2021). The way forward however, as suggested by Hurst is not to the bring the clamp down or ignore it, but rather to bring an open dialogue surrounding misogyny . To invest in teacher training, education, or as Brown says, to begin change ourselves on an “individual level” (Hurst, 2022 ; Hurst, 2019; Thompson, 2021, pp. 285-90). Banning pornography is not the way forward, but nor is accepting misogyny as a way of life. The modern woman is not free of systemic oppression or sexism, but as Liana Bay-Cheng argues:
“…ending misogyny is more possible than protecting women within misogyny” (Bay-Cheng cited Thompson, p.286).
Appendix
DEEP THROAT ADVERTISEMENTS & STATISTICS









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